The Draghi government and the political scene in Italy

Analysis and uncertainties of the Italian situation

31 Marzo 2021

The new Draghi government is the result of a combination of different factors. Looking at at the surface of things, it is easy to identify Matteo Renzi as the main responsible for the crisis of the Conte government, not because of his hunger of power, as has been said superficially, but for the intention of breaking the alliance between M5S and PD parties, forcing the latter to a a national unity goverment that would eventually favour Renzi's party (Italia Viva), although this is still to be seen. Our analysis has identified deeper factors.


Firstly, the capitalists' and the employers organazations' pressure, expecially through its branches in Northern Italy.

In the last decade Italian bourgeoisie has suffered a disarticulation of its internal order and its political bases. The fast precipitation of the biggest post war crisis has forced the turning point to the acceptance of the EU budgetary policies. To the eyes of the bourgeoisie the Recovery Fund seems the last possibility to relaunch capitalism, freeing it from the weights of scarce capital concentration, tecnological backwardness, huge public admiistration, slowness of civil justice, increasing pension expenditure, and – hear hear - “an excess in working contract strictness”. The list of grievances of every industrial owner's publisher. Hence the critics from the industrial associations to the previous Conte goverment, always blocked by long lasting negotiations in every decision taken. Hence the need for a more authoritative goverment, with a world wide recognition, conditionable by industrial conferderation policies, and capable of imposing a capitalistic modernization of the country. It is longside with the need for change, that the Renzi political crisis has given way to the new situation.

Secondly, along with the above, European chancellaries have operated to the intent. In the case of elections, the Recovery Fund project would have probably been at risk, thus exposing the whole EU to problems, because of mounting right wing sovranism strong enough to both condition Italy's remaining in the EU and the election of the new Italian president next year. The only way out was a national unity goverment in the country, whilst keeping a number of Italian members heading the European Commission and the European Parliament throuh Mr. Gentiloni an Mr. Sassoli, both PD members. This fully responds to the interests of financial capitalism , seeing both Merkel and Macron supporting the Draghi solution, obviously in their own interests.

Thirdly, the combined pressure from the Nortern Italian industrial associations and the European chancelleries have produced political effects on the Northern League Party (Lega).
As by us previously said, the anti-european policy lead by Salvini and his Lega Party was in contrast with the economic interests of its territory, mainly thriving on exports to the rest of Europe, mainly to Germany. After the crisis and mainly because of the new European financial funds at disposal, these economic sectors through their LEGA reppresentatives Mr.Zaia and Mr. Giorgetti, claim their right to control the European funds due, through a full participation in the Draghi gvernment, also in the aftermath of the fall of the Trump sovranistic goverment, previously fully acknowledged by Salvini, the head of Lega, and held as example!


The Italian President and his entourage are at the root of the new Govenment.
As many times before, as usual, the Italian Presidency makes up for political partie' crises. Presidents Scalfaro an Ciampi in the 90's, Napolitano during the 2011-2103 crisis are examples.
Nowadays in the face of instability and the wreck of the prime political force in parliament (M5S), the only way out was in the hands of the President.
His nomination of Draghi along with the possibilty of nominating all the ministers of goverment, in full application of the italian constituancy, show a straight application of presidential decisionism. In this occasion in full compliance with the needs of finacial capitalism.
It is really a government with two presidents, approved by a vast majority of parliament (thouh all the contradictions in the composition of the parties) and kept united by the centripetal force of Great Capitalism and the EU, a formidable magnet of national unity.
President Draghi represents this new equilibrium and stands above any political contradictions in his government, with the idea to dominate them. His nomination is de facto by the president, and only paralmentary as a reflection. An embryo of bonapartism.


Even if today Italy has a “public health” government as the previous one (Monti), nominated by the president, expression of financial capitalism and with a large parliamentary consent, there are many differences between them.
Firstly, now, the bourgeoisie parties are directly envolved in the government, by wish of both presidents, so as to stregthen it. The so-called tecnical ministers come from high State bureaucracy (Mr. Daniele Franco), and from Big Business (Mr. Colau). They control core business starting from the European Funds. The Parties, particularly manned, instead administer ordinary policies. All in a national unity system.

Secondly this goverment has a much larger expediture possibility, because of the suspension of the previous block of spending due to both the actual crisis and to the acceptance of the new situation by Germany. This will cause an upsurge in public debt, that will be thrown upon the shoulders of the working class, but the for the time being, helps this goverment giving it the possibility to try to “oil” social relations.

Thirdly, due to this maneuvering space, the Draghi government, unlike the Monti goverment, seems wanting to court both the trade unions and the industry owners associations, with the intent to avoid conflict between workers' needs and Big Industry interests.

Those who forsee a downhill or flat road for this government, have a simplified vision of the situation, and exchange parliamentary accounts for real-life necessities, and the sweet perfume of rethorics for real-life problems


The first rough terrain is the sanitary one, intertwined with the social crisis
The predictable evolution of the pandemic, although virus mutations, combines itself with the structural difficulties in mass vaccinations, the lockdowns decided on a regional basis, the different rules to respect every time there is one. A president like Draghi, who never speaks much, shall have to consider speaking to the nation. It will not be easy.
To this, add the next step to unlock the “stop layoff law” that has kept workers at work or at home after layoff scheme pay.
Industrial associations demand a suspension of this law, especially for firms needing restructuring. Trade Unions instead call for an extension of this law, forseeing half a million job layoffs, and a great social drama. The Industries interested in this claim are not only small ones, but big realities such as Stellantis, ArceloMittal, Alitalia....all in search of an excuse: the reorganization of industry, production and workers. It will be very difficult for Draghi to dodge the problem.
The pension problem is not less relevant, although gradual in time. Many pensioners benefitting from a relatively young working age pension, are liable to lose these benefits because of pressure from EU and from 2021 expiry.
The Draghi goverment must follow the spanish government's road to trying to find a solution for millions of pensioners very soon.
The crossing of job layoff suspension and pension reform can expose the goverment to the risks of social conflict.


Another problem is strictly political. The new ecceptional national unity calls for a new riorganization in the political system. Tecnical (Monti) or tecno-political (Draghi) goverments
normally give birth to new subjects. At this stage it is difficult to predict, mainly we think there can be a return to proportionalism around a bourgeoise center or to bipolarism with new political alignments alternative to each other. One thing is for certain, at this stage no majority in favour of a poportional system is at hand, and the situation now ruling can well give way to fractures within the PD-M%S alliance as wella as within the center-right.
After the spring administrative elections things will be clearer, until the State President elections in which Draghi is favoured, resulting in his having to leave office as head of government, thus leadig the country to new elections.
Draghi has high support from Italians, for the time being, but through his being perceived as a saviour after the pandemic. Things may well change as social problems will worsen.
National Unity gives way to pain on behalf of parts of society and voters. The great populstic stories of the last ten years, about small bourgeosie and the majority of workers have no more credibility. Sovranistic campaigns have been shaken to the roots not only by the new EU economic policies, but also by the new support to the Draghi government by the Lega.
In a parallel way, the M5S mithology against politicians has smashed itself against the entrance of the very same M5S in the Draghi government, alongside its old and historic enemies like Berlusconi and Renzi! This is incrediblile to its voters and adherents, many of which are leaving that movement.
As a whole, a wide portion of society is bewildered. It is unpredictable where the shaken electors will go, iether they come from the M5S or Lega, both parties that had gathered many followers from the working classes.


The new scenery calls for a raise in the united front policy. If the bourgeoise have gathered it's parties, the workers' movements must unite against the bourgeosie and it's goverments. The first step is to oppose the united class front to the national unity front..This ought to be the first revolutionary step to undertake.

Even so it is important to reason on a mass prospective basis. In front of a so vast political deployment, a government that can boast new energy due to capitalistic support, it is necessary to work at the construction of an equal and opposite force, the only way to raise a wall and snatch results.

In this new scenery the vanguard forces should measure themselves. More than ever self-sufficiency and self-centering are without reason. The against-the-tide experiences of the psat year (Left opposition coordination, Anticapitalistic Action Pact and United Class Front) gain great importance, although limited. Its enhancement in a great class vanguard united front envolving politics and unions is needed.
The Communist Workers Party (PCL) along with other left class parties organized a demostration during the Draghi goverment settlement in parliament.

A proposal for action must be made, bearing in mind that it has to be of the same level as that created by forced layoffs of workers, worstening of general life conditions. Hundreds of firms closing call for the creation of fund raising for laid-off workers, the claim for nationalization under workers' control, and the unification of all struggles against capitalism.
Our proposals are surely against-the-tide at a mass level. For this reason it is important that the vanguard assume them as one so as to prepare the struggle through propaganda and turmoil wherever possible.

The reintroduction of ananticapitalistic prospective for a workers' government is more than ever a central axis of revolutionary propaganda.A financial-capitalistic-expressed-government, must be opposed by a workers' goverment.

The falldown of all populistic and interclass myths (no euro against euro, national sovereignty against EU, Italians against immigrants, people against castes...) that gained followers among many wage earners, can gain space in favour of the only real alternative: the one between capital and work.
The only solution is A WORKERS' GOVERNMENT. The only solution against all the lies that have poisoned class cosciousness. The reason the Communist Workers Party (PCL) exists.

Partito Comunista dei Lavoratori (Workers' Communist Party)